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31.08.2010 12:43 - Произход на гръцките търговски градове Пистирос и Пизос в Тракия
Автор: apollon Категория: Изкуство   
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В днешно време останките от древния град се намират край село Ветрен, община Септември. Според Херодот името на града е Πίστυρος. Основан е като елинска търговски емпорион във вътрешността на Тракия през 5 век преди новата ера.
Какво означава името на града?
Името е образувано от гръцките думи πίστις и  ἔρως и тяхното сливане: πίστις- вяра, доверие, уверение, потвърждение, мисия (πιστόν - вярност, честност, добросъвестност; πιστός - верен,  надежден). Сходен е теонима  Ζευς Πίστιος.  
В превод името Пистирос означава "град на доверието и любовта" в знак на съвместната търговия и държавни отношения между елини и траки. Най-голямо доказателство за точното име на града е надписът от Пистирос на старогръцки език, където изрично е упоменато, че градът дава подслон, сигурност и гаранции за неприкосновенност на търговците от Маронея, Аполония и Тасос. Известен още и като "Ветренски", надписът е намерен в местността Асардере - името произлиза от турската дума хисар.
Херодот ни споменава, че през Пистирос (Βίστυρος) преминал Ксеркс по пътя си към Елада: Herodote VII, 109. За това топографско разминаване очевидно е спомогнала лексикалната близост с името на езерото Бистонис - Βιστωνίς.
В случая с името на Пистирос е налице феноменално тясна връзка между етимологията на ойконима и контекста на написаното от епиграфския паметник, известен като "Ветренски надпис".
В една статия на Константин Бошнаков, озаглавена "Identification archйologique et historique de l"emporion de Pistiros en Thrace" и публикувана в " Bulletin de correspondance hellйnique,"1999   Vol.  123  Numйro   123-1   pp. 319-329 е тълкуван термин от надписа, който е ἐπαυλίστας.В текста терминът е интерпретиран като специална военна част за охрана на емпориума. В действителност думата е съществително производно ἐπ-αυλίζομαι - нощувам в бивак на открит въздух в близост до града. Търговците са били наричани с това име, тъй като са нощували извън града в неговите покрайнини.
Авторска статия на Д.Герогиев-Даков
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Статуя на Ерос
Ето и самият надпис:
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Текст: Ако търговец има искане(жалба) срещу друг търговец, теще бъдат съдени сред своите братя и по отношение на каквото и да се дължи на търговците от траки, няма да има отмяна на тези задължения. Всички земи и пасища, притежавани от търговците не се отнемат от тях. Не се  настанява военен гарнизон в Пистирос, както и няма да се прехвърля в Пистирос такъв от другаде. Не се обменят земните парцели на пистирийци, нито да се прехвърлят те на другиго. Нито той, нито членовете на неговото семейство могат да присвояват или конфискуват собствеността на търговците. Не се събират пътни такси за стоки, изнасяни от търговци от Pistiros до Maronea, от Maronea до Pistiros или до пазара Белана на Praseoi. Търговците трябва да отварят и затварят своите товарни коли. Също както и по времето на Котис (кълна се в тази клетва) - Нито аз, нито някой от членовете на моето семейство ще ослепи или убие гражданин на Маронея, нито пък аз или който и да член на моето семейство, ще присвои собственост на гражданин от Маронея, независимо дали той е жив или мъртъв, нито аз, нито някой от семейството ми ще ослепи или да убие един гражданин на Аполония или Тасос, който живее в Pistiros без значение дали той е жив или мъртъв.


Доскоро се считаше, че Пистирос е емпорион на остров Тасос. Но както става видно от надписа той е обединено селище за търговия на три тракоелински полиса - този в Тасос, в Аполония и Маронея.



Произход на името на емпорион Пизос


Преди да стане емпорион Пизос бил предшевстван от римска пътна станция при с. Димитриево общ. Чирпан. За целта специален декрет на владетелите на Рим описва заселването на 160 почтенни местни тракийци от околните селища, на които се обещали големи привилегии по охраната на емпориона.
Какво означава името Пизос?
Типично за статута на пазарно селище Пизос носел име, тясно свързано с търговията. На гръцки πυξίς (пиксис) - означавало сергия, търговска постройка за излагане на стоки, но също и търговски съндък и шкаф.  В този смисъл римските пазари са били точен прототип на сегашните стокови пазари за зеленчуци например.

Пътниците имали огромни и разнообразни нужди. Затова постепенно край римските пътни станции спонтанно или като държавна политика се разраствали малки пазари или емпориони, с което живота на пътуващите бил облекчен и удобен.

Както ясно показва надписа, озаконил създаването на емпорион, тържищното селище се създало в 202 година от новата ера.
Skelabria, Stratopara, Krassalopara, Skept, Gelupara, Kirpizos, Bazopara, Strupil, and Bussipara. 
Автентични находки от Пистирос
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Съдове от могилата в край село Юнаците
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The Greek emporion Pistiros near Vetren between greater powers – 450-278 B.C.  image

The history of survival of Emporion Pistiros between various mightier powers from 5th to early 3rd century B.C., where we excavate since 1992 regularly with our Bulgarian colleaegues and the University of Lioverpool, is a good subject for a case study of the system of political interrelations in Thrace, and how the small emporion had to ensure its existenceby balancing between much mightier neighbours. The place was visited since the end of the 6th century and probably served also at that time as a place where Greek merchants met their clients. But the city was founded in the third quarter of the 5th century B.C., apparently soon after the defeat of Thasos by the Athenians. So already its foundation reflects the history of interactions between much greater powers. Its founders and those who became emporitai, while also keeping their citizenship in their native cities, were Thasians, Maroneians and citizens of Apollonia. It is still a question whether the small Apollonia, apoikia of the Thasians, is mentioned in the famous inscription, or the mighty city of Apollonia Pontica, though the first interpretation still has more credibility. The founders were apparently ktistes, they divided their kleroi like in other Greek cities, and the division of plots was – with only small changes – during the whole existence of the emporion. How it was possible to found a strongly fortified city so far inland, even if apparently accessible for small boats on the Hebros – Marica river, needs an explanation. The first idea, expressed by the excavator Mieczyslaw Domaradzki, that the city was also a royal residence of the sub-king of the Upper Maritsa valley, has little probability. No palace, nothing like hierarchy known from smaller sites –thurseis, or from Seuthopolis, has not been uncovered at Pistiros, and M. Domardzki changed his mind soon after the famous inscription was found. Only very few scholars, among them G. Tsetskhladze, still expressed such opinion still in late nineties. The problem of identification of the place as Emporion Pistiros is also the most probable solution, as shown by further survey at the Roman Bona Mansio, some 3 km away. Apparently the city walls of the emporion served as quarry when building the Roman mansio, and a large number of stones used for the construction of Bona Mansio can easily be identified as coming from the emporion city walls: alternative explanations have therefore much less credibility.

The reasons for the foundation of the city were apparently several. It had in vicinity mining areas (copper, iron) and enough wood, it was river harbour with several “roads” southwards across the Rhodopes. It was situated in the marginal part of the Odrysean kingdom, and it could also used the northern road to the second-in-rank Thracian kingdom of the time, the Triballoi, for its trade.

The building of the fortified city so far inland, however, could not be accomplished without a kind of consent of the local ruler, and the Vetren monumental tomb, built in the same masonry technique (with identical traces of working tools) as the city walls, may well have been his grave. The Vetren tomb is one of the earliest of its kind, dated to ca. 400 B.C., so roughly one generation (30-40 years) after the foundation of the city, what might be a reasonable period of friendly coexistence of the emporitai with the local ruler. Beyond doubt, the emporitai had to pay for the permission by some taxation, as they did later to Kotys. The excavations gave the picture of some more friendly time during the first quarter of the 4th century B.C., in which no destruction happened, with the exception of some floods.

After the death of the local ruler, the mighty king Kotys in his program to unification of Odrysean Thrace over all the territory south of the Sredna Planina apparently attacked the city, partly destroyed its walls, set fire on its houses. But he then closed with the emporitai the well-known contract for common benefit. He protected the city and its properties, but apparently not without financial reward. The new fortifications of Pistiros were less strong, the dependence of the city of Kotys I probably closer, the taxation probably a little bit higher, but the autonomy of the emporion was confirmed by the contract and the system worked long for common benefit. As far as we know from the Demosthes’ mention in his speech Ad Aristokrates, the revenues from the emporia in Thrace were high, but the customers of the Greek merchants paid the higher price willingly. The contract was also confirmed by his successor, probably Kersobleptes, as the inscribed document mentions.

But the Greek emporion lived in no isolation from their Thracian neighbours, Though some of them had no accesss into the fortified city, they lived around. Parhaps even those Greeks who were not full-right emporitai had to settle outside the walls. All the bgraffiti known from Pistiros are in Ionic dialect, the only exception being a graffito Kora (in Doric), found in an extramural house situated just westwards of the western city wall.

But what perhaps concerned the house-owners of non-emporitai, certainly did not mean that only Greeks lived within-the-walls. The population on this periphery of the Greek world was apparently of mixed character, as it was also in most Greek colonies situated on the territory of mightier neighbours. The graffiti found at Pistiros show Greek and Thracian names as well, a large part of the loom-weights found in the city (which were made in the households, with female fingerprints) is of Thracian type, unknown in Greek cities, including the North Aegean colonies. So the emporitai married local women frequently, accepted even some Thracians into the city, but the full “citizenship” was reserved to those mentioned in the inscription, or perhaps to those to whom it was granted.

Philip II apparently conquered the town in late forties and to some extent damaged the city walls, but no fire was set, and the emporitai accepted the new ruler without larger problems. This was in all probability under similar conditions, as no change in the architecture and trade links of the emporion can be noticed. Philip apparently let it flourish as an important centre of metal extraction and working and of trade along the Marica and also with the north. The bullae found in the city may well have been of wax diptycha securing the property of mines around the city, as they are known also from other 4th century – Hellenistic metalworking areas.

Only under Lysimachus, with changes of commercial network in central Thrace in favour of places situated more to the east and the north, the city lost much of its importance. Very serious blow was the destruction around 300 B.C., probably caused by an attack of the Celts, whose first invasion was stopped by Lysimachus in 298 B.C. It would hardly be destroyed during the minor wars between Lysimachus and Seuthes III, as its taxation could be profitable to both of them. Only the Celts, being barbarians, did not understand yet, as they learned later, that such a city could event them bring a profit. After this blow, however, the city was reconstructed, even in a more modest way, using the spolia of earlier buildings even for their tiled roofs.

The final destruction of the city is well dated by the large hoard of 560 coins, mainly by Lysimachus, including his last issues, by swords and spearheads of Celtic types and by the late Duchcov fibula found in the destruction: the city was completely destroyed by the Celtic campaign led by Kommontorios in 279/8 B.C. The city was also looted, and only by chance the hoard of silver and gold coins was not found by them. In balancing between mighty neighbours – Odrysians, Triballoi, Athenians and Macedonians Pistiros was rather successful for some 160 years, but only after this bad example other Greek cities learned how to appease the wild warriors – by paying them for peace and by hiring them as mercenaries.

After this destruction only a modest settlement with metal smelting workshops existed here, and the place was finally abandoned after another flood during the first half of the 2nd century B.C.

7.1.1 Summary description of the site

The site is located in the Vetren locality (central Bulgaria) and the international
highway connecting Turkey with Europe passes at a distance of about 25 kilometres.

The site has now been granted protected status, which covers a total area of 10
hectares, 0.25 hectares of which comprises the disclosed archaeological substance,
and the remaining hectares constituting the “protected zone”.

The following have been discovered: architectural remains from the eastern wall with a
bastion; the eastern gate and the adjacent tower; a street that connected the gate with
the centre of the settlement; buildings; sewerage and cult places. A large number of
objects are preserved in the Archaeological museum of Septemvri. They have high
artistic and scientific value; most of them are unique (e.g. the Pistiros inscription –
juridical document that settled the relationships between the inhabitants of Pistiros and
the Thracian kingdom; oenochoai, type of red-figure pottery vase, with seals; bronze
applications; clay cult objects; altars; etc.). The more than 950 bronze and silver coins,
discovered during the excavations of Pistiros shed light on its internal and external
trade contacts. This is the only numismatic complex that was unearthed during regular
archaeological excavations. Here the coinage of several Thracian rulers – Amatokos I,
Bergaios, Cotys I, Amatokos II, Teres II, Kersebleptes, Seuthes III – is well
represented. Coins of the Greek poleis were found as well (Thasos, Maroneia, Parion,
Thracian Chersonese, Cypsela, Enos, Apollonia, Mesambria, Damastion, Sermyle,
Kardia), as well as coins of Macedonian and Hellenistic rulers (Philippos II, Alexander
the Great, Cassandros, Demetrius Poliorketes, Lysimachos, Seleucus I, etc.). In 1999,
552 unique silver and gold coins issued by Alexander the Great, Demetrius
Poliorketes, Lysimachos, Lysimacheia, and Seleucus I were discovered.

The rich archaeological materials from Pistiros are now preserved in the
Archaeological museum in the town of Septemvri, part of them are included in the
exposition. Copy of the Pistiros inscription is exhibited in the Archaeological museum
on the island of Thasos.

Present situation
The Septemvri Archaeological Museum and the Archaeological Institute in Sofia are
initiating an active campaign to secure funding for research and conservation of the
site, and to promote the site to the general public.

7.1.2 Summary historic development and evolution of the site, from the earliest
times until the present day

The excavations carried out over 17 seasons have disclosed architectural remains of
an ancient settlement (V-ІІ century BC) – Emporion Pistiros, whose name became
known thanks to an inscription in Ancient Greek, unearthed in1990. Emporion Pistiros
was founded by merchants from the island of Thasos. The settlement kept intensive
relationships with the most important centres of Aegean Thrace. The archaeological
evidence proves that Pistiros was founded under the first kings of the Odryssian state,
Teres or Sitalkes. Under Amatokos I the Emporion already existed and maintained
broad trade contacts. Under Cotys I (383/2–359 BC) and his successors the merchants
from Thasos, Apollonia and Maroneia received guarantees for the integrity and
immunity of their lives, properties, and deeds that are stated in the discovered
inscription. All that coincided with a period of high prosperity for Pistiros. The decline of
Pistiros begun after the Celtic invasions in the Peninsula (2nd century BC). No cultural
layer has been discovered dated from the Roman Period or later.

7.1

Significance: summary statement

7.2.1 Summary statement of significance/historical and heritage importance

Emporion Pistiros is one of the most significant archaeological monuments in the
territory of Bulgaria that was subject to research during the last two decades. It proved
to be the one and only excavated Emporion in Europe situated so far inland with its
authenticity proved by the Pistiros inscription (Professor Dr. Velizar Velkov)

The important cultural, historic and scientific significance of the explored site with
preserved architectural remains that are typical of the ancient construction principles
from the Classic and Hellenistic periods, have sparked the interest of scholars from
European archaeological schools. Since 1992, British expeditions from the
Universities of Bradford and Liverpool participated in excavations on the site. The
Carolean University in Prague started its research in Pistiros in 1993. Since 1997, the
French Archaeological School in Athens has participated in the project. The
international participation in the archaeological research of Pistiros continues at the
present moment.

The site is located in the municipality of Septemvri, which possesses more than 200
registered archaeological sites, such as ancient settlements and funeral mounds, road
stations, fortresses, necropolis and sanctuaries. According to the country’s
Archaeological Atlas, this is the richest area in Bulgaria for archaeological remains.

НАДПИСЪТ ОТ ПИСТИРОС........[някой си да се закълне] в Дионис и да бъде длъжен. А ако някой от 5 емпоритите обвини [друг], те да сесъдят един друг при своите родственици. И каквито неща се дължатот емпоритите при траките,да не прави отмяна на тези дългове.10 Земя и пасбища, които притежаватемпоритите, това да не им се отнема.Епаулисти да не изпраща приемпориите. Да не назначаваникакъв гарнизон в Пистирос, нито15 той лично, нито да възлага на друг.Клери на пистиренците да не про-меня, нито да възлага [това] на друг;Имуществата на емпоритите да неотнемат, нито той лично, нито неговите хора.20 Да не събира митата по пътищата,[за стоките] които се внасяткъм Маронея от Пистирос и от ем-пориите или от Маронея къмПистирос и Беланските емпории25 на прасените. Емпоритите да отварят изатварят впряговете.Същевременно и точно както по времето наКотис:“Маронеец не ще затварям, нито ще гоубивам, нито ще го лишавам от имот,30 нито приживе, нито след смъртта му,нито аз лично, нито някой от моите хора.Нито от аполонийците, нито оттасосците, които са в Пистирос,ще убивам някого, нито ще го35 затварям, нито ще му отнемам имота,



Тагове:   град,


Гласувай:
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1. анонимен - Всичко в този постинг е неверно
13.09.2010 22:13
Авторът Apol l on нито е чел Херодот, нито Пистироския надпис. Херодот ясно е описал Пистирос на брега на Бяло море. Стефан Византийски пише, че Пистирос е етникон и името му произлиза от тракийското племе пистирити. Епаулис - непозната дума за нашите "учени" всъщност се употребява и в съвременния гръцки език и означава "извънградска къща4, а тогава е означавала имение извън града, в което е живеел робовладелецът-производител с робите си и семейството си. Именно той е "епаулист" според Пистироския надпис. Пистироският надпис няма нищо общо с града, разкопаван на брега на Марица при Септември. Той е издълбан на гранит, а гранит няма никъде в радиус 120 км от Септември. Надписът се отнася за древния град Маронея на брега на Бяло море, където е единственото находище от гранит в цяла Гърция и близките до нея градове Тасос и Пистирос. Вероятно се е намирал в амфитеатърът на Маронея, в който има стотина подобни гранитни плочи. Вероятно надписът е пренесен от Беломорието през римското владичество или по времето на хан Пресиян в крепостта Асар (Бона мансио) край Ветрен.
Димитър Делийски, гр.Септември
цитирай
2. анонимен - Изключително е глупаво, незряло и ...
22.09.2010 00:28
Изключително е глупаво, незряло и няма никаква тежест фактът да не допускате никакво друго твърдение или хипотеза освен тази, която е написал Херодот! Невероятно смешно е като се запъне някой, като г-н Димитър Делийски от гр.Септември, Херодот това казал, Стефан Византийски онова написал без изобщо да размърда сивото вещество в главата си и да престане да цитира този и онзи. Уважаеми г-не, този блог не е за това всеки да рецитира какво е назубкал, а точно обратното - да споделя и други гледни точки и да разсъждава. И престанете да говорите толкова компетентно, при все че изобщо не сте съществували по времето, когато са се случвали събитията!
Недялка Никифорова с.Долно Нанагорнище
цитирай
3. анонимен - Незванието като душевно състояние
24.09.2010 22:33
Госпожица Недялка Никифорова от село Долно нанагорнище, без да знае къде е т.н. "Емпорион Пистирос", се осмелява да пише за него. Госпожице, аз съм роден и отраснал там, та знам какво пиша. А Вие посетете град Септември и музея му, след това идете и до разкопките. Като се приберете в село Долно Нанагорнище, нарамете мотиката и идете на нивата да копаете, така България ще има повече полза от Вас. Моите почитания: Димитър Делийски.
П.П. - И научете българския правопис.
цитирай
4. apollon - Ти да не си някаква селска цветарка, ...
24.09.2010 22:53
Ти да не си някаква селска цветарка, че караш хората да ходят да ти гледат града пък и музея на всичкото отгоре - да не си портиера на музея та се напъваш да идваме да те гледаме -нито си прелест безценна от античността - нито града ви заслужава камъните, които не смогвате да си ги преведете
Хем не знаеш кво значи Пистирос, хем се обаждаш?
цитирай
5. анонимен - Уважаеми г-н Делийски, моля изт...
24.09.2010 23:11
Уважаеми г-н Делийски, моля изтупайте нафталина от ревера си. Тук не сме на селската седянка в гр.Септември, моля Ви. Намираме се в 2010 година, 23.00 часа. Елате на себе си за Бога! Това, че сте роден и живял там не ви прави всезнаещ, нито пък ви дава право да държите такъв тон в чужд блог. Проявете някакво благоприлие, не ви отива на възрастта подобно сприхаво и троснато поведение.
П.П. Кое ви наведе на мисълта, че не владея българския правопис?
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6. apollon - http://classics.kenyon.edu/symposium/Jennifer%20E_%20Johnston.htm
26.09.2010 00:29
http://classics.kenyon.edu/symposium/Jennifer%20E_%20Johnston.htm

Eто го и горещото място -Jennifer E. Johnston категорично отхвърля съществуването на два града Пистирос.
Какво обаче има да изясним - Тасос е център на морската търговия. За да бъде реализирана докрай, морската търговия се нуждае от сухоземни пазари в съседна Тракия - Ето защо първият Пистюрос, за който говори и Херодот е на крайбрежен емпорион, разположен срещу остров Тасос. Той е търговско селище, възникнало от договорните отношения между елини и траки. Вторият най-краен и вътрешен емпорион е Пистирос на север от Родопите. Двата пистироса са договорни търговски селища, с които елините развивали своята северна морска търговия с траките.
Jennifer E. Johnston абсолютно греши, като допуска възможността надписа от Пистирос да е от Херодотовия град на брега на Егейско море, пренесен от търговците далеч на Север, за да установят договорните си отношения в Горна Тракия. В надписът ясно се чете тракийското име на Котис - ставайки дума за управлението на наследника Керсеблепт, под чиято власт се намират Евмолпия(Кендрисос) и Пистирос по времето на изписването на камъка.

В надписът хем се говори за освобождаването от търговските такси, хем се въвеждат ограничения в търговията със земя с цел създаване на препятствие евентуалната чуждоземна собственост, което показва държавност, съмсем чужда на държавността на търговците. Сам покровител е царя на Одрисите, наследника на Котис.

Давам ви отново текста в превод на Л. Домарадска, за да си припомните съдържанието:
(НЯКОЙ ДА СЕ ЗАКЪЛНЕ) В ДИОНИС И
ДА БЪДЕ ДЛЪЖЕН. А АКО НЯКОЙ ОТ
ЕМПОРИТИТЕ ОБВИНИ (ДРУГ), ТЕ ДА СЕ
СЪДЯТ ЕДИН ДРУГ ПРИ СВОИТЕ
РОДСТВЕНИЦИ И КАКВИТО НЕЩА СЕ ДЪЛЖАТ
ОТ ЕМПОРИТИТЕ ПРИ ТРАКИТЕ
ДА НЕ ПРАВИ ОТМЯНА НА ТЕЗИ ДЪЛГОВЕ.
ЗЕМЯ И ПАСБИЩА, КОИТО ПРИТЕЖАВАТ
ЕМПОРИТИТЕ, ТОВА ДА НЕ ИМ СЕ ОТНЕМА.
ЕПАУЛИСТИ ДА НЕ ИЗПРАЩА ПРИ
ЕМПОРИТИТЕ. ДА НЕ НАЗНАЧАВА
НИКАКЪВ ГАРНИЗОН В ПИСТИРОС, НИТО
ТОЙ ЛИЧНО, НИТО ДА ВЪЗЛАГА НА ДРУГ.
КЛЕРИ НА ПИСТИРЕНЦИТЕ ДА НЕ ПРО-
МЕНЯ, НИТО ДА ВЪЗЛАГА НА ДРУГ.
ИМУЩЕСТВАТА НА ЕМПОРИТИТЕ ДА НЕ
ОТНЕМАТ НИТО ТОЙ ЛИЧНО, НИТО НЕГОВИТЕ ХОРА.
ДА НЕ СЪБИРА МИТАТА ПО ПЪТИЩАТА
(ЗА СТОКИТЕ) , КОИТО СЕ ВНАСЯТ
КЪМ МАРОНЕЯ ОТ ПИСТИРОС И ОТ ЕМ-
ПОРИИТЕ ИЛИ ОТ МАРОНЕЯ КЪМ
ПИСТИРОС И БЕЛАНСКИТЕ ЕМПОРИИ
НА ПРАСЕНИ. ЕМПОРИТИТЕ ДА ОТ-
ВАРЯТ И ДА ЗАТВАРЯТ ВПРЯГОВЕТЕ
СЪЩЕВРЕМЕННО И ТОЧНО КАКТО ПО ВРЕМЕТО НА КОТИС:
"МАРОНЕЕЦ НЕ ЩЕ ЗАТВАРЯМ, НИТО ЩЕ ГО
УБИВАМ, НИТО ЩЕ ГО ЛИШАВАМ ОТ ИМОТ,
НИТО ПРИЖИВЕ, НИТО СЛЕД СМЪРТТА МУ,
НИТО АЗ ЛИЧНО, НИТО НЯКОЙ ОТ МОИТЕ ХОРА.
НИТО ОТ АПОЛОНИЙЦИТЕ, НИТО ОТ
ТАСОСЦИТЕ, КОИТО СА В ПИСТИРОС,
ЩЕ УБИВАМ НЯКОГО, НИТО ЩЕ ГО
ЗАТВАРЯМ, НИТО ЩЕ МУ ОТНЕМАМ ИМОТА,
НИТО ПРИЖИВЕ, НИТО СЛЕД СМЪРТТА МУ,
НИТО АЗ ЛИЧНО, НИТО НЯКОЙ ОТ МОИТЕ
ХОРА. ////////////////

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7. apollon - правя ти услуга разбира се - гени...
29.09.2010 22:31
правя ти услуга разбира се - гениален си - само че не виждам никъде нищо да си изпратил :)
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8. анонимен - deliya44@dbv.bg
30.09.2010 22:46
deliya44@dbv.bg
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9. apollon - Целия текст на Дженифър Джонстън
11.04.2012 14:56
William McCulloh Symposium
March 27, 1999
Pistiros: Emporion of the North Aegean
by Jennifer E. Johnston

As a senior in college here at Kenyon from which I graduated , our Greek class, which Professor McCulloh taught, chose a series of passages for independent reading. It was then, with Professor McCulloh, that I completely translated my first Greek inscriptions, another of which I will discuss with you today. I mention this not because it was unusual for Professor McCulloh to encourage students to read independently or to meet with them individually—this was his vocation, I seems to me—but, first, because of his unparalleled modesty, which all of you here today will recognize. Greek inscriptions were not his field, he said. Second, I mention it because of the interest, indeed perhaps even wonder, that Professor McCulloh showed that day we read the inscriptions together—at things that he didn't need to know about, things that were outside his field. People—teachers—like Bill McCulloh are a rare breed among professional classicists. I thank him for the gifts I received from his generosity.

Most of the inscriptions I read with Professor McCulloh that spring concerned a "backwater" of the ancient world that the Greeks called Thrace, and so does the Greek inscription that I will be discussing with you today. My topic today, the Pistiros inscription (as I will call it in shorthand after the name of one of the communities the inscription mentions), was uncovered in 1990 near an archeological site in central Bulgaria.(1) You will find this place labeled as Vetren on the map on the reverse of your handout. In antiquity, this region, Thrace, was the home of a race called (surprise) Thracians, whom classical Greek writers viewed as barbarians, savage warriors with strange customs.

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10. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 14:57
The inscription dates to the middle of the fourth century BC, approximately 25 years before another barbarian, Alexander the Great, set out from Macedonia, just to the east of Thrace, on his march of conquest. At the time this inscription was cut into stone, the kingdom of Macedonia had not yet become the major power that it would later be in Thrace. Power in the region appears to have been divided among and fluctuated between Thracian dynasts, Greek generals and officials, and perhaps surprisingly as this inscription shows, communities of merchant traders.

The inscription itself refers constantly to specific economic issues and regulations, a relatively rare event in any Greek document, thus making this inscription a real find for ancient economic historians. For example, the word emporia, a Greek word meaning something close to "trading post," occurs repeatedly. So does the word emporitai, or traders. The inscription also mentions taxes taken along roads through central and coastal Thrace, presumably tolls on traded items, as well as inspections of wagons (which the merchants themselves are to open and close) presumably carrying trade goods.

The region where the inscription was found was classic "frontier territory," a zone for interaction and exchange between groups, in this case between Greeks and Thracians. According to the Bulgarian archeologists who are excavating the site where the stele was discovered, the remains in the area are indeed consistent with those of a fourth century BC trading community. This comes as no real surprise, since these mountains were known in antiquity for iron and silver and the site lay along an important navigable river and at the mouth of a frequently-traveled pass through the east-west mountain range.

Aside from the inscription's economic content, our first consideration must be with its author, who is not explicitly identified in the text.
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11. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 14:59
The series of infinitives suggests that the bulk of the extant text made up part of an oath; we can tell that the oath was to be sworn by an individual by the third person singular pronoun aÈtÒw that appears in lines 14-15, 31, and 33. This oath, among other things, guarantees the autonomy of a community referred to as Pistiros. This place will have no garrison, for instance. The oath also promised traders who live in Pistiros protection against seizure. Finally, the oath also remits tolls along certain specified roads through Thrace.

The accepted conclusion among commentators on this inscription up to the point that I began work on it was and is that the individual swearing is a Thracian king, specifically a leader of the Odrysian tribe, a group known best to most classicists through their fabulous gold and silver ornaments and serving dishes that periodically tour museums in the US and Europe. The two main pieces of evidence cited in support of this conclusion are (1) a reference in the inscription to the Thracian king Kotys ("The merchants themselves are to open and close the wagons, just as it was in the time of Kotys" (ll. 24-26), a dynast who seems to have ruled large parts of Thrace before his assassination in 360 BC, and (2) an unspoken assumption that the location of the stone in the far inland region of Thrace leaves a Thracian monarch as the only option; traditionally, the ancient Greek's highway was the sea, not difficult mountain passes through barbarian regions.

Several logical flaws present themselves in both arguments. First, anyone, Greek or Thracian, could have used the name of a Thracian king in an inscription as a reminder of past circumstances: "back when Kotys was king, we used to do it this way." Kotys had been a powerful ruler. Greek communities had paid him tribute in the form of silver vessels and other gifts.
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12. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 15:00
It would have made sense in fourth century Thrace for both Greeks and Thracians to have seen Kotys' rule as a stable reference point, especially since civil war between Thracian dynasts over territory followed after his death, conflict only resolved by the Macedonian conquest of Thrace and defeat of the Thracian dynasts. The reference to Kotys may indicate a Thracian king, but not necessarily.

The second assumption supporting a Thracian king as the only possible author of this text—the location of the stone far inland from where most Greeks usually ventured—also has serious weaknesses. Aside from the fact that it is dangerous to conclude that a Greek general or official could not be the author simply because we have no evidence in ancient texts that Greeks ever traveled this far into the interior for trade, settlement or other purposes, the underlying assumption that the inscription concerns mainly an interior community is also overdrawn. All of the place-names mentioned in the inscription seem to lie along the north Aegean coastline, some 200 km south of the inscription find-site, including the important site of Pistiros, which all previous commentators have identified, incorrectly, I believe, with the interior site where Bulgarian archeologists found this stele.

The name as written in the inscription—Pistiros—bears a remarkable resemblance to the name of another community that we know was an emporion, or trading post, along the coast of Thrace, opposite the island of Thasos. This community, mentioned by the historian Herodotus and later lexicographers, is called "Pistyros." The difference between the "Pistiros" in the inscription and the "Pistyros" that is certainly coastal is only one letter—an upsilon in the mid-fifth century BC Herodotus shifts to a iota in our mid-fourth century inscription.

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13. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 15:01
Considerable spelling changed occurred in the Greek language during the century that separates these two references, as Professor McCulloh, who first introduced me to the idea that vowels shift over time, knows quite well. For the rest of you, it may make sense this way—the language of Shakespeare is not the language of Milton. About a century separates the two of these as well.

I do not believe, as previous commentators on this inscription do, that the two spellings of Pistiros indicate two separate communities with nearly identical names in Thrace—one in the interior, one on the coast. It seems to me to make better sense to see them as two different spellings of a single coastal community: Pistiros and Pistyros must be the same place and located along the north Aegean coast, not in the interior.

I am also fairly certain that one of the locations in the inscription that has not been previously identified—the emporia Belana Prasenoi, one of the end-points of the trade routes mentioned in the inscription, can be located along the north Aegean coastline. Prasenoi are probably a Thracian tribe, although there is no surviving reference to the name. Belana almost certainly refers to the region of the Melas gulf in eastern Thrace, a body of water you will find labeled on your map. An ordinary Athenian ancient Greek would used the pronunciation "Melana" to refer to the Melas gulf in this inscription and would have spelled it with a "M" (mu). But, in Thrace, they had a bit of an accent, being a backwoods sort of people. Here "M" (mu) and "B" (beta) were often interchangeable in written form for a sound somewhere in between the two. The name of the ancient Greek goddess "B°ndiw," for instance, was often written "M°ndiw" in Thrace.
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14. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 15:02
The Belana of the inscription is, therefore in all likelihood, a Thracian variant of the ordinary Greek Melana. As it happens, the Melas Gulf was the site of several fourth century emporia mentioned in other sources and also was the eastern terminus of Thasos' regulation of the North Aegean wine trade. Thus, I conclude that the Belana emporia Prasenoi of the Pistiros inscription are likely to be located in the coastal region north of the Melas Gulf—on your map this is near the Thracian Chersonese, where the emporia of Kobrys and Deris are located.

Now, why all this emphasis on the coastal concerns of this inscription? I dwell upon is because doing so presents other possibilities for the identity of the oath-taker in the inscription. A common denominator in the mid-fourth century history of coastal Pistiros, the Melas Gulf emporia, the Greek city-states of Maroneia and Apollonia, both of which are mentioned in the inscription, was the growing economic and political power of the Greek city-state of Thasos, on the island of the same name just off the north Aegean coast from Pistiros. Pistiros, as described by Herodotus was, in fact, a "polis of the Thasians," meaning that the community was to some way dependent on the Thasians. Even the north Aegean communities which we have no reason to believe were dependencies of Thasos—the polis of Maroneia, for instance—were forced to deal closely with and occasionally come into conflict with their powerful Thasian neighbors.

Thasos was first and foremost an economic powerhouse. Thasian wine, for instance, was exported throughout the Greek world. Thasos banned the import of any other kind of wine into the cities of the north Aegean from the late fifth century. Thasos also appointed "magistrates assigned to the continent" to enforce weights and measures from the same time period.
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15. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 15:03
In the mid-fourth century, moreover, Thasos seems to have embarked on a policy of economic and political expansion. Increases in finds of fourth century Thasian coins and amphorae (Greeks transported wine in these pottery vessels) in the Thracian interior, for instance, suggest a rise in interior trade. In terms of political expansion, from the mid-fourth century Thasos sponsored colonial ventures on the continent in search of resources such as silver and iron (the mining colony at Krenides, for example), engaged in wars of conquest in its own north Aegean backyard, and provided an invaluable partner to a revived (if embattled) imperial Athens in the north Aegean.

A final scenario illustrating Thasian fourth century expansion may provide an exact context into which we may fit the Pistiros inscription. Thasos came into conflict with the Greek city-state of Maroneia over the Aegean cost community of Stryme in 361/60 BC. At the time, Stryme was under the control of the Maroneians, who defended their claim to the town with ships, mercenaries, and troops drawn from the neighboring Thracian population (Dem. Poly, 22). The exact location of Stryme is still uncertain, but the description of Herodotus, who calls it a a "city of Thasos," indicates that it lay near the Hebrus river and was probably either a Thasian colony or a region with a long history of Thasian control. The dispute between Maroneia and Thasos over control of this community was apparently resolved by Athenian arbitration at some point before the late 350s. We have no direct testimony on the timing or details of the arbitration, but scholars have generally agreed that the settlement probably resulted in Thasos regaining control over Stryme.

I propose, and I am still working out the details of the proposal, that what we may have here in the Pistiros inscription is a copy of part of the settlement that Athena arbitrated.
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16. apollon - Продължение
11.04.2012 15:13
It makes sense of the fact that Thasian interests are protected, as are those of its dependent communities and merchants. It also makes sense of the prominence of Maroneia as the nexus of protected trade routes.

Two questions, at the very least, remain, however. First and still, what is the identity of the oath-taker in the Pistiros inscription? A Thasian general or official, perhaps an Athenian general or official? A Thracian king involved in the settlement? I have not yet made up my mind. Second, and perhaps more fundamental: how are we to interpret the fact that this stele was discovered in central Thrace, not on the coast of Thrace, if its concerns are coastal? We can document commercial interests in the interior for both Maroneia and Thasos and even identify some colonization of interior sites by Thasos, but there is no indication other than this inscription that Thasian interests might have extended this far north. Perhaps the fourth century site in the interior was a mixed community of Greeks and Thracians with commercial ties to Thasos that merited it a copy of its (or the region's) commercial regulations.

One thing, and I will say this in closing, that I have always admired about Bill McCulloh is his willingness to leave things open-ended, to not eliminate all the possibilities immediately because of a desire for certainty. I have tried, and will try in my future work on this inscription, to follow his example. In doing so, I will always bear Bill McCulloh in mind, as a model, a mentor, and, of course, as my first partner in reading Greek inscriptions.

I. Text and Translation of SEG 43, 486 (Greek text based on V. Velkov and L. Domaradzka, Bulletin de Correspondence Héllenique 118 (1994): 2 & 4.

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